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By Phyllis Auty, Richard Clogg

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In any case, the relationship between these two men was a surprisingly equal one - a factor which at one juncture virtually paralysed the process of British decision-making over Yugoslavia. The relationship between the Foreign Office and the military, in the same way, contained the danger of paralysis: the military could block political decisions on military grounds, as happened between November 1941 and the spring of 1943, and the Foreign Office could hold up military decisions on political grounds, as happened after that.

Churchill agreed. 78 By I January I943, however, there had been a change: the Foreign Office officials were proposing that the message to Mihailovic should not be sent until a new approach had been made to Moscow - if possible to Stalin personally - about unifying resistance. E. and the Commander-in-Chief Middle East, and minuted that he saw no sense in giving full backing to a man who was not fighting our enemies and was being publicly denounced by our Soviet ally. 80 However, Cadogan smoothed Eden down, saying that Bailey had just arrived in Yugoslavia; 81 and Eden agreed to wait for Bailey before doing anything.

It was professionally inevitable. E. C. into putting out phony stories about Yugoslavia. , in spite of the war, still cherished its professional integrity; and Harrison, 37 the Balkans editor, who had been Reuter correspondent in Belgrade for years, was a fairly formidable character. E. antiMihailovic and pro-Partisan and Hudson as 'very strong Leftist'. 40 I should have said rather that Harrison was a tough journalist used to working for a reputable news agency and that he thought, rightly, that he knew more about Yugoslavia than some of the people who were trying to prescribe policy to him (including myself).

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